EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: In July 2017, Democratic Party candidate Khaltmaa Battulga was elected Mongolia’s new president with 50.61% of the vote, defeating his rival Miyegombo Enkhbold from the ruling Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) who received 41.16% of the vote. Importantly, 8.23% of the voters in the second round chose the none-of-the-above option, the so-called blank ballot. Mongolians believe in democracy as a guiding general principle and vision, but they have less trust in the fairness and effectiveness of political institutions.

In May 2019, a complaint was lodged with CAO by members of 22 communities from the Margibi and Bong Counties in Liberia (the “Complainants”), supported by the NGOs Green Advocates International (GAI), Alliance for Rural Democracy (ARD), Natural Resource Women Platform (NRWP), and the Yeagbamah National Congress for Human Rights (YNCHR) (hereafter referred to collectively as the “Salala Affected Indigenous Communities Support Organizations”).

Rapid population growth combined with fast rate of land transfer and land conversion urges for an effective land administration and management in Bangladesh. But the land administration system in Bangladesh is corrupt, inefficient, and unreliable and inherently contains systematic weaknesses. It proliferates and perpetuates the endemic nature of land disputes. Nearly 80 percent of court cases in the rural areas are estimated to be related to land-conflicts.

This paper considers possible answers to these difficult questions by focusing on two issues: the evolution of legal norms in response to both endogenous and exogenous changes, and the role that African customary law and indigenous dispute resolution has played in promoting coordination and cooperation among group members, thereby reducing violent conflict. This paper explores legislative actions taken by the Nigerian government that impede the continued evolution of these relatively elastic customary legal norms.

Nigeria’s arid North West is beset by violence between herders and farmers, which has been compounded by an explosion in criminal activity and infiltration by jihadist groups into the region. The last decade has seen thousands of people killed and hundreds of thousands displaced, with many fleeing into Niger Republic next door. State-level peace efforts with several armed factions have had some success, but these will not prove durable unless more actors lay down their weapons.

The recent spate of violence mostly in north-central and southern Nigeria, typically credited to conflicts between herders and farmers, and the reactions, narratives, and representations that have attended them, calls for an examination of core security questions: who or what is to be secured, from what threat and by what means. In fact, it could be further contextualized as: how is the conflict between farmers and herders constructed, framed, and represented as (in)security within the Nigerian context?

This study determined pre-conflict, conflict and post-conflict land use change and analysed the impact of armed conflict on the intensity of land use change in northern Nimba County. Landsat images of 1986, 1990, 2002 and 2016 were classif

This study aimed to pilot an innovative land survey to provide quantitative data regarding landrelated issues in Timor-Leste, in order to support the Timorese government and parliament in developing evidence-based land policies and legislation, as well as more informed advocacy of civil society. The results of this pilot in the municipalities of Dili (urban area only), Ainaro, and Ermera provides relevant evidence regarding access to land, land tenure security, and land related conflict, as well as on the specific policy options taken in the current draft Land Law Package

The article examines the various ways to ensure land rights and also recommends different mechanism to settle land dispute. It is also intended to highlight the problems of present land administration of Bangladesh and to suggest the reformation of the land administration for proper management of land. Land turns around the life of the people of Bangladesh.

A nation formed just 10 years ago, Timor-Leste struggles to overcome complex challenges of land ownership and use rights that were created under Portuguese and Indonesian rule. Competing land claims between individuals, and between individuals and the state, are quite common and occasionally result in armed conflict and deaths. Complicating the problem is the absence of a property rights legal framework in which to address land matters.

On July 21, 2011 the then Acting Prime Minister Sam Abal announced the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry to investigate 77 land leases which were issued under the Somare government’s Special Agriculture & Business Leases (SABL). The inquiry, which was later extended by Prime Minister Peter O’Neill in October 2011 for a further five months, discovered that over 90 percent of the leases totalling over 5 million hectares were illegally obtained from traditional landowners (Zealand, 2015).

The land administration system in Bangladesh is not well-developed. It is beset with multiple defects and problems. It is corrupt, inefficient, and unreliable and inherently contains systematic weaknesses. Corruption has become a grave issue in this sector. A World Bank survey reveals that most crimes and corruptions in Bangladesh take place in land-related services. It has estimated that more than 3.2 million land-related cases are pending before the judiciary. A large number of the aggrieved persons is not empowered enough to approach the courts for litigation.